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Georgian-Byzantine Frontier in the 11th Century: Imier Tao
ISSN
2298-0377
Date Issued
2023
Abstract
In 1001 Basil II incorporated a major part of the princedom of David Kouropalates into the empire. The territorial gains comprised David Kouropalates’ hereditary districts of Imer/Upper Tao and Basiani, as well as the Upper Countries, i.e. Karin (Erzurum) and southern lands as far as Lake Van. Imperial possessions were expanded in 1023 following Basil’s campaigns against King Giorgi I of Georgia in 1021-1022. According to the terms of the ensuing treaty King Giorgi handed over the fortresses in Tao, Basiani, Shavsheti, Kola, Artaani and Javakheti. The border between Byzantium and Georgia lay along the Parkhalistskali (Parhal Chayi) – Mourghuli (Murgul Dere), and Oltistskali (Oltu Chayi) – Bardusi (Brdiz Chayi) watersheds. Byzantine suzerainty over the Lower Chorokhi and the Upper Mtkvari lands was nominal, since all central castles, as well as cathedrals and monasteries of the area remained ander the Georgian Crown till the end of the 11th century.
The former possessions of David Koroupalates were organized into the theme/katepanate of Iberia with the center in Oltisi. Very little is known about the organization of the katepanate. Some of the features of its early history display parallels with developments lsewhere on the eastern frontier in the early 11th century. The imperial court introduced Byzantine administrative machinery, laws and the Greek language in the katepanate of Iberia, and encouraged movement of Georgian and Armenian nobility to the center of the Empire. In that way the Imperial power made attempts to destroy local national and social peculiarities, include the region into the sphere of common Imperial interests, and ensure security of the eastern frontiers. How did changes in political geography affect the church geography? To what degree did the policy of hellenizaton affect the identity of local population? These two questions are discussed in the present paper, and the focus is done on Imier Tao.
By the end of the 10 th c. Imier Tao was divided into two church provinces. The western part of the district, namely the middle Chorokhi valley, Parkhali and Tortomi were under the bishop of Ishkhani, while the eastern part, i.e. Oltisi and Mamrovani were under the bishop of Bana. Was the church organization replaced in the katepanate of Iberia? Naris, the bishop of Iberia (?) whose name is mentioned in a Greek inscription found at the socle of the St. George hexaconch church of the Oltisi castle might have been a Greek prelate appointed by the Empire to administrate ecclesiastically the katepanate. It is known that the Patriarchate of Antioch claimed its rights over Byzntium’s Georgian and Armenian lands. Therefore, certain scholars identify the bishoprics of Panakser and Kalmalk mentioned in the Notitia Antiochena as Georgian Panaskerti and Kalmakhi located in Amier/Lower Tao. But this identification has no historical ground since both Panaskerti and Kalmakhi were within the boundaries of the Georgian kingdom. In the 1030-40s, as it is clear from the Parkhali inscription, the province of Imer Tao, or at least its western part, was under the jurisdiction of the Georgian Patriarchate. The presence of the Georgian Church in Imier Tao is quite natural: local monasteries (Parkhali, Oshki, Khakhuli, Otkhta Eklesia) remained essential centers of Georgian culture. The epigramphical data (Oshki), hagiographical texts (the Life of George the Hagiorite), and manuscripts copied in the monasteries of Imier Tao demonstrate vividly that the original policy of Hellenization failed, and Georgian remained dominant both in the monastic and lay life of the district. These features explain the solid positions of the Georgian Church, and the absence of the Greek sees. Geography should also be taken into consideration: deep and rugged gorges of Imer Tao prevented the successful policy of hellenisation and establishment of Greek bishoprics.
Of utmost importance are mural fragments in the south apse of the Oshki church (1036). The composition represented on the western wall showed either the coronation of King Bagrat IV of Georgia in 1027, or his marriage in 1032 to Helena, the niece of the Byzantine Emperor Romanos III Argyros. According to certain scholars, the composition depicts the arrival of the holy relics (Holy Nail, fragment of the Girdle of Theotokos, Okona icon, etc.), brought to Georgia by Princess Helen as her dowry, namely, synthesis and propompe. The image shows crowds set against the backdrop of the major cathedrals and monasteries of Tao-Klarjeti. Two of these monuments – Otkhta Eklesia and Bana – survive and are named in inscriptions. The murals might be interpreted in a way that the Georgian crown got some territories as a dowery of the Byzantine princess. John Skylitzes’ account prove this suggestion. These territories, i.e. western part of Imier Tao might have been lost in the 1040-50s during the active confrontation with the Byzantines and their Georgian allies. However, by 1080 the Parkhali district was within the Georgian borders. As for the eastern part of Imier Tao, that is the Oltiisi and Mamrovani districts, it remained within the Empire till the 1070s. There is no direct evidence that it had been retaken by the Georgian kingdom. The case of Imier Tao shows that Byzantine-Georgian relationships, as well as Byzantine oikomenism, were multifaceted. And Byzantium’s Caucasian frontiers deserve further scholarly attention.
The former possessions of David Koroupalates were organized into the theme/katepanate of Iberia with the center in Oltisi. Very little is known about the organization of the katepanate. Some of the features of its early history display parallels with developments lsewhere on the eastern frontier in the early 11th century. The imperial court introduced Byzantine administrative machinery, laws and the Greek language in the katepanate of Iberia, and encouraged movement of Georgian and Armenian nobility to the center of the Empire. In that way the Imperial power made attempts to destroy local national and social peculiarities, include the region into the sphere of common Imperial interests, and ensure security of the eastern frontiers. How did changes in political geography affect the church geography? To what degree did the policy of hellenizaton affect the identity of local population? These two questions are discussed in the present paper, and the focus is done on Imier Tao.
By the end of the 10 th c. Imier Tao was divided into two church provinces. The western part of the district, namely the middle Chorokhi valley, Parkhali and Tortomi were under the bishop of Ishkhani, while the eastern part, i.e. Oltisi and Mamrovani were under the bishop of Bana. Was the church organization replaced in the katepanate of Iberia? Naris, the bishop of Iberia (?) whose name is mentioned in a Greek inscription found at the socle of the St. George hexaconch church of the Oltisi castle might have been a Greek prelate appointed by the Empire to administrate ecclesiastically the katepanate. It is known that the Patriarchate of Antioch claimed its rights over Byzntium’s Georgian and Armenian lands. Therefore, certain scholars identify the bishoprics of Panakser and Kalmalk mentioned in the Notitia Antiochena as Georgian Panaskerti and Kalmakhi located in Amier/Lower Tao. But this identification has no historical ground since both Panaskerti and Kalmakhi were within the boundaries of the Georgian kingdom. In the 1030-40s, as it is clear from the Parkhali inscription, the province of Imer Tao, or at least its western part, was under the jurisdiction of the Georgian Patriarchate. The presence of the Georgian Church in Imier Tao is quite natural: local monasteries (Parkhali, Oshki, Khakhuli, Otkhta Eklesia) remained essential centers of Georgian culture. The epigramphical data (Oshki), hagiographical texts (the Life of George the Hagiorite), and manuscripts copied in the monasteries of Imier Tao demonstrate vividly that the original policy of Hellenization failed, and Georgian remained dominant both in the monastic and lay life of the district. These features explain the solid positions of the Georgian Church, and the absence of the Greek sees. Geography should also be taken into consideration: deep and rugged gorges of Imer Tao prevented the successful policy of hellenisation and establishment of Greek bishoprics.
Of utmost importance are mural fragments in the south apse of the Oshki church (1036). The composition represented on the western wall showed either the coronation of King Bagrat IV of Georgia in 1027, or his marriage in 1032 to Helena, the niece of the Byzantine Emperor Romanos III Argyros. According to certain scholars, the composition depicts the arrival of the holy relics (Holy Nail, fragment of the Girdle of Theotokos, Okona icon, etc.), brought to Georgia by Princess Helen as her dowry, namely, synthesis and propompe. The image shows crowds set against the backdrop of the major cathedrals and monasteries of Tao-Klarjeti. Two of these monuments – Otkhta Eklesia and Bana – survive and are named in inscriptions. The murals might be interpreted in a way that the Georgian crown got some territories as a dowery of the Byzantine princess. John Skylitzes’ account prove this suggestion. These territories, i.e. western part of Imier Tao might have been lost in the 1040-50s during the active confrontation with the Byzantines and their Georgian allies. However, by 1080 the Parkhali district was within the Georgian borders. As for the eastern part of Imier Tao, that is the Oltiisi and Mamrovani districts, it remained within the Empire till the 1070s. There is no direct evidence that it had been retaken by the Georgian kingdom. The case of Imier Tao shows that Byzantine-Georgian relationships, as well as Byzantine oikomenism, were multifaceted. And Byzantium’s Caucasian frontiers deserve further scholarly attention.
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საქართველო-ბიზანტიის საზღვარი XI საუკუნეში იმიერტაო-ჭეიშვილი, გიორგი.pdf
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